The Neocon: not just a river in D.C.

The presidency of George Bush has brought the term Neocon into prominence. Ever since 2002 when the Bush Administration began banging the war drums against Iraq critics of the presidency have been talking about the "Neocons." While the term isn't new, it had never been given such emphasis, nor had it ever been a central feature of a political debate. To the supporters of the president Neocon is an opprobrium, a term of abuse, meant to criticize the president's foreign policy. They'll often demand that you define "Neocon," or repay you with an insult.

To the Bush Cultists there is just conservative and liberal, or good and bad, respectively. If someone isn't a conservative then they're liberal. It's a very black and white view of politics that doesn't allow for shades of gray or nuance. However, for now I just wish to show that the term "Neocon" isn't an invention of the Left nor is it a term concocted to lampoon Bush's foreign policy.

"I'm getting a little tired of these media people speaking in their own code language. A case in point is their use of the term 'neo-conservative.' Whether they choose to hyphenate the label or not, it's a pejorative code word for 'Jews. That's right. They use it as a way to say guys like Bill Kristol, Irving Kristol, Charles Krauthammer, Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, Norman Podhoretz, John Podhoretz and others are just trying to support Israel at the USA's expense."

Rush Limbaugh.

This belief was common among the Republican redstate shock troopers in 2003. However, Rush Limbaugh's attempt to characterize "Neocon" as just an epithet or a term with no meaning is going to be problematic.

"We can't begin to sell ourselves to the public until we sell ourselves to one another. We need to bring together the neo-cons, the paleo-cons, the religious right, the plain conservatives, and even moderate Republicans. We must recognize that we need one another if we are to survive as a political force."

Rush Limbaugh See, I Told You So pp 348-349 (1993)

Rush Limbaugh refers to the "neo-cons" long before the election of George Bush and the war in Iraq. He had no compunction about using the term because anyone familiar with the Right would know that the Neocons have been a strong political force and have viewpoints that are often at odds with traditional conservatism. But Mr. Limbaugh isn't the only one who knows that Neocons are real, and not just a phantom monster fabricated the Left. I quoted Thomas Sowell in one of my previous entries, but I'll do so again to underscore the point:

Those neoconservatives, especially, who were pushing an activist "national greatness" foreign policy, even before September 11th, have siezed upon that event as a reason for the United States to "use American might to promote American ideals" around the world.

That phrase, by Max Boot of the Counsel [sic] on Foreign Relations and the Weekly Standard, is breathtaking in its implications. When he places himself and fellow neoconservatives in the tradition of Woodrow Wilson, it is truly chilling.

The track record of nation-building and Wilsonian grandiosity ought to give any pause. The very idea that young Americans are once again to be sent out to be shot at and killed, in order to carry about the bright ideas of editorial office heroes, is sickening.

"Wilsonian grandiosity" and nation-building are some of the elements that define Neoconservatism, so it's more than just an epithet. But there is more.

NeoConservatism: Why We Need It by Douglas Murray (Hardcover - Jul 25, 2006)

Neo-conservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea by Irving Kristol (Paperback - Mar 25, 1999)

The Neocon Reader by Irwin Stelzer (Paperback - Nov 19, 2004)

Neoconservatism by Irwin Stelzer (Paperback - Jul 15, 2005)

The Rise of Neoconservatism: Intellectuals and Foreign Affairs, 1945-1994 by John Ehrman (Paperback - Aug 28, 1996

Imperial Designs: Neoconservatism and the New Pax Americana by Gary Dorrien (Hardcover - Aug 31, 2004)


Neoconservatism: The Autobiography of an Idea by Irving Kristol (Hardcover - Sep 20, 1995)

The Neoconservative Revolution: Jewish Intellectuals and the Shaping of Public Policy by Murray Friedman (Paperback - Oct 9, 2006)

These are all books that one can find by searching under the term "Neocon" or "Neoconservatism" on Amazon. As you can see, some of these books were published before the Iraq war and some after. Some support the Neocon position and others oppose it. However, the notion that Neocon is just a term of abuse -- a term meant to denigrate and insult -- is untenable.

A Neocon is a real political animal.

Ron Paul: scourge of the establishment

In celebration of Guy Fawkes Day, Ron Paul's supporters donated 4.2 million dollars to his campaign, a one day record that outperforms all the other Republican candidates. This shows that while Ron Paul may not be polling very high among Republican primary voters, his supporters are the most energized and enthusiastic in this election cycle.

Of course many people do not understand Ron Paul, seeing his candidacy and his positions as some kind of anomaly. How do you explain an anti-war, anti-Bush, pro-life Republican? But Ron Paul has hit a powerful chord in the American electorate challenging the simplistic notion that Republicans and conservatives support the war in Iraq and Democrats and liberals oppose it. This is the way the issue is always framed in debate shows, magazines, and other popular venues of opinion, but things are not really so simple.

The war in Iraq is the most pressing issue of this election cycle, and wars are never gray. Supporters of the war believe that we are in a struggle against evil, that the war is good and just, and that we must not leave Iraq until we can safely declare we've defeated the enemy. Opponents of the war vary in their opposition, but largely they don't see it as a fight against evil, or as a response to 911, or as an attempt to keep Americans secure. A "war for oil," or the "military industrial complex," is how some opponents characterize the war; while others just see it as unnecessary quagmire that was conducted poorly and is largely irrelevant to our national security or the fight against terrorism. Regardless, in between these positions there can be little common ground. This is why Ron Paul is a breath of fresh air to some and a scourge to others.

Here we have a Republican with a solid conservative voting record speaking out against the war. In fact, Ron Paul is only one of a handful of Republicans to vote against the resolution to grant President Bush authority to wage war in Iraq. Even though Ron Paul is a Republican with unimpeachable conservative credentials, he is seen as a threat to the Republican establishment. Why?

Ron Paul shatters the illusion that opposition to the war in Iraq is just a Leftist or liberal position. His candidacy shows that Republicans can also be against the war and that the anti-war position isn't a monopoly of the Democrats. This is a frontal challenge to the Republican leadership because they've banked their superiority and strength on the war, on their greater ability to protect this country from the "enemy." The one and almost universal defense of George Bush is that he has shown tremendous leadership in the War on Terror, and while it might be legitimate to question his handling of other issues, his conduct in this war is above reproach.

Ron Paul's straightforward message is a dagger aimed right at the heart of Bush's supposed mantle of invincibility. The war in Iraq was not in our national interest, not a proper response to 911 or terrorism, and besides the United States military has no role in nation building, declares Ron Paul. He has unnerved the Republican establishment -- and good for him.

Within the last few weeks a popular blog for Republicans, Redstate, has banned any new posts that "pimp" for Ron Paul, and just last night Hannity's forums also banned any new threads regarding Ron Paul. Ironically, while Ron Paul does fare well in on-line polls and even Fox News polls -- much to Sean Hannity's chagrin -- he is still polling at only about 2% nationally. His inability to rank with the top tier is both mysterious and troubling.

I do not expect Ron Paul to win the Republican nomination, but for his candidacy to be a success he doesn't need to. Perhaps it would be enough if his candidacy were to shatter the simplistic partisan equation that associates criticism of the war with liberalism and support for the war with conservatism. Many conservatives are against the war, but their voices are too often ignored by the Republican establishment, which has no time for dissent.

Ron Paul is a scourge because he reminds the Republicans that opposition to the war is the true conservative position, that Bush's leadership is wholly superficial and phony, and that critics of the war are no less patriotic than those who support the war and wrap themselves in the flag.

I hope Ron Paul's scourge will last a long time.